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White Nationalism & Historic Nationalism:
Elements of a Definition

[1]

Fidus, "Prayer to the Sun," 1913

1,994 words

Blut will zu Blut.”

White nationalists have embarked on a daunting mission, perhaps the most daunting of the last 30,000 years. This mission is to ensure the survival of the white race–the survival of the culture that is its spiritual embodiment and of the unique genotype that is its biological achievement. They bear all this as their mission, along with a seemingly awkward political designation.

For like historic “nationalism,” the notion of “white nationalism” lacks theoretical rigor, even coherence. But what its critics don’t understand is that this distracts not in the least from its significance or truth. The problems associated with its usage tend, in fact, to be less semantic than practical, for it is less a theory or an ideology than a spirit, a heroic sentiment, a movement embodying the will to power of an oppressed people. Just, then, as nationalism’s unclear definition did not prevent it from playing a pivotal role in the last two centuries of world history, for similar reasons white nationalism is likely to play an analogous role in the 21st century.

When I was a child the men I first admired were James Connolly and Patrick Pearse. Working-class Ireland’s most gifted son, Connolly spent a lifetime organizing against the money-grubbing world of the 19th-century bourgeoisie (a world already infused with the Jews’ predatory spirit), along with everything in it that had left working people powerless before the alien interlopers; Pearse, by contrast, was the poet-dreamer, the myth maker, who realized—first in words, then in deeds—that only through a blood sacrifice would Ireland achieve nationhood. These two men, the poet and the worker-warrior, are the fathers of the modern Irish nation and their nationalism is the origin of my white nationalism.

Others have since entered my Pantheon, but Connolly and Pearse continue to occupy a special place. The cause for which they fought—the cause of Holy Mother Ireland and of my own mother, whose homeland I’ve always put before the benighted one of my birth—remains for me the most sacred cause of all. How could it be otherwise? They sacrificed their lives for the most primordial of things: family, freedom, heritage, destiny, duty, courage.

But this Ireland of her bravest sons, it hurts me to write, is once more threatened by an even greater menace that promises to destroy not just the larger civilizational heritage of which she is a part, but the peoples and nations who are her closest blood kin. In this larger sense, I cannot but feel that my family is again under attack, this time not by Albion, but by the race-mixing, spirit-killing forces of the Global Moloch that seeks to reorder the world according to the most debauched criterion of all: the Holy Writ of the Jews, money.

Since 1945 the international forces of subversion–led by the American imperium and supported, backhandedly, in the East by Soviet Communism–have sought to reduce all world politics to the political-economic rivalries of the Cold War blocs. The ensuing ideological polarization entailed not just a united-nation of alliances, but the demotion of traditional authorities, the severance of ties based on blood and history, and the stripping away of genetic interests. Fidelity to the two bloodless political-economic blocs required, thus, the demotion (and ultimately the repression) of national institutions and national sentiment. As the Jewish-American war criminal, General Wesley Clark, put it: “There is no place in modern Europe for ethnically pure states.”

As might be expected, denationalization went furthest in Germany, where an entire people–whose courage and achievement in asserting their nationalist project were unparalleled in history–was henceforth marked with the sign of Cain. The ethno-suicidal cosmopolitanism that has come to grip the rest of the white homelands is not, though, simply ideological or political in form, but undergirded by free markets and transnational organizations, electronic media and sophisticated conditioning technologies that usurp the sovereignty of the nation-state and erode its historic culture. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, these tendencies have gotten even worse, as the UN, the EU, NAFTA, NATO, the World Bank, the IMF, the International Court of Justice, NGOs, and other globalist organizations encroach on the last vestiges of the nation’s traditional jurisdiction.

As our lives are forced to succumb to Washington’s anti-white dominion, principles of cosmopolitanism and universalism, economism, rootlessness, and egalitarian homogenization, all premised on an implicit hatred of white life, dictate a totalitarian reorganization of our world. For only by leveling everything down, uprooting Europe’s historic nations, standardizing its cultures, and dominating its institutions can whites be properly “herded, milked, sheared, and slaughtered” in the interests of the system’s pecuniary appetites. The final stage of this subversion has already gotten underway, as the bearers of our race and culture try to survive the demographic tsunami of millions and millions of invading Third Worlders, who are to provide the coolie labor, the indiscriminate materialism, and the thoughtless beliefs upon which America’s Judeo-oligarchy depends.

Historically, white nationalism grew out of what Yockey called the 19th century’s petty-state nationalism. This nationalism was itself an outgrowth of earlier, more localized allegiances, as kinsman and clansmen grew into the men of Cork and Connacht, and then, in the modern period, into Irishmen (not unlike the way Bretons and Gascons, Alsatians and Burgundians arose from earlier formations to become Frenchmen; or Swabians, Rhinelanders, and Prussians became Germans).

The loyalties and affections rooted in these earlier attachments no longer, though, influence the state, which has distanced itself from all notion of national allegiance and especially from the people that once were its flesh and spirit.

In a globalized world, where capital, goods, and colored peoples constantly move into and through our lands and where the political system is increasingly less autonomous and less national, “we Irish” need to rethink the idea of nationality. For to defend our homelands from the new invaders, it is necessary today to stand with Germans, Slavs, Latins, even (maybe especially) Englishmen to form a bulwark against the anti-white forces threatening us.

Given, therefore, that the nation-state has been supplanted by a bloodless economy-driven system oriented to the oligarchs’ transnational agenda and that the existence of the white race-nation is now endangered, national struggle is obliged to follow the globalizing process and assume a posture appropriate to it. In the largest scheme, this means that nationalists must defend not merely their immediate family, but their great family, the one born of the seven daughters of Eve, comprising the descendants of the Cro Magnons and the Aryans who inhabited the Western, North Mediterranean, East European, and Trans-Siberian regions of primordial Eurasia. If they fail to do so, if they let the narrower national concerns that occupied them in the past turn them away from the bio-civilizational pincers set in motion by the Judeo-oligarchic powers, if they don’t form the most solid and impenetrable front against the invaders and their domestic agents, they will cease to have a future, either as Irishmen or white men.

Kathleen ni Houlihan, Marianne, John Bull, and Saint Vladimir may still hold special meaning for us, but our political loyalties can no longer belong solely to those of the people or nation closest to us: the lion’s share of our loyalties must henceforth go to the race, the Borean race, that is our great mother and that groups us in ways that unite us against the enemies of our spirit and unique genetic heritage. This sort of racial nationalism clashes, of course, with the inertia of earlier nationalisms and entails the development of a new consciousness and identity. A white nationalist identity and consciousness are, though, already implicit in who we are. Indeed, it is the traditional attachments that come from family, community, province, and nation that undergird our larger attachments to the white race.

For in an age when national borders have been breached and the state no longer serves the nation, the nationalist slogan of Irishmen, Frenchmen, Americans, and all peoples of European descent can only be: OUR RACE IS OUR NATION. The provincial identities and local communities that constituted the major part of the historic nation’s background are in no way denied or demoted in this, for they too constitute a major part of the meta-nation’s background. White nationalists may therefore differ with their forefathers in the scale, scope and nature of the tasks they set for themselves, but they too fight for the survival and rebirth of their people. In this elementary sense, the struggle they wage against the genocidal forces threatening them is simply an extension of their ancestors’ struggle, though one taken to the higher stage dictated by contemporary international developments.

What, finally, is this “nation”? The best definition in my view is that of Walker Connor: “the largest grouping characterized by a myth of common ancestry.” This definition implies a genetically-specific line of descent and a “community of destiny.” It is essentially a racial definition. Magnified and adapted to the global age, this definition is no less applicable to the white nationalist concept of race. (It seems hardly coincidental that the word “race” was once synonymous with “nation.”)

In its ethno-historical manifestation, historic nationalism divided the world into nations, each with a distinct character and destiny; it made national loyalty primary; and it championed the nation’s self-realization and autonomy. White nationalists see the world in an analogous way, insofar as they see it divided into distinct and competing races, make loyalty to the white race their foremost concern, and seek to enhance the freedom, unity, and identity of white people worldwide (which implies, among other things, separation from other races and cultures). The race-nation of white nationalists is thus that species of man whose genetically-related peoples were the first to occupy the northern and western extremities of the Eurasian landmass, whose root languages were Latin and Greek and before that proto-Indo-European, and whose cultural legacy stems from Ancient Greece and Rome and from what Celtic, Germanic, Slavic and other European peoples brought to it.

Historic and white nationalists also share a kindred fate. Earlier forms of nationalisms arose from small bands of poets and dreamers whose nature enabled them to see beyond the multitude of common daily concerns to discern the collective dictates of their people’s destiny. Rarely were their initial reception anything other than one of scorn and ridicule. But their dreams and poems spoke to First Things. In time, especially times of crisis, when state and society grew alienated and it became possible to glimpse certain, usually veiled realities, others flocked to their ranks. Racial nationalists who uphold their race’s 30,000 year old heritage are likewise scorned and ridiculed. All the considerable forces of the existing system of subversion, in fact, are ready, if need be, to be arrayed against them. While the incommensurability of the opposed camps indicates the severe disparity of the struggle, it neither refutes the justice of the nationalist cause nor its inevitability. This also was the way it was for historic nationalism.

When Pearse and Connolly seized the GPO on Easter Monday 1916 no one thought these dreamers, supported by a few hundred, then a few thousand armed men, had a chance of defeating the British Empire. But these skeptics were wrong. The empire rested on a bloodless cosmopolitanism, was obsessed with a low-minded materialism, and beholden to liberal values, all of which made it no match for a nation violently awakened to its destiny.

Everything in this transitional period may stand against the cause of white nationalism, but the weight of history, culture, and nature nevertheless conspires in its favor. Given, then, that it upholds the most primordial interests of white people in a period when whites faces extinction, that it opposes a system favoring the miscegenation and ultimate destruction of the white race, and that it is indeed the only alternative to extinction–for all these reasons, the white nationalist movement, no matter how meager its present ranks, is likely to play the leading role in the struggles of fire and steel that lie ahead.