Gary Johnson, despite numerous, cringe-worthy campaign missteps, a non-existent foreign policy, and an economic policy supported by approximately zero practicing economists, was the most successful Libertarian Party (LP hereafter) candidate of all time in both total vote and percentage terms. Almost half of the votes that the Libertarian Party has ever received in all presidential races put together went to the Johnson/Weed ticket in 2016.
On a cash efficiency basis, Johnson outperformed Trump, paying approximately $4 per vote versus Donald Trump’s $5 per vote. Furthermore, most of the Johnson/Weed ticket voters were drawn from the same demographics that Donald Trump will need to win in 2020: young, white, and non-ideological. If the LP continues to grow at its 2000-2016 rate in these demographics, Republican Party retention of the White House will prove difficult if not impossible in 2020. It is time that the “Libertarian moment” came to an end.
Fortunately, this is easy to do. Given the obvious unattractiveness of the LP bench, all that must be done to defang the LP in time for 2020 is to take a page from the Clintons and steal the LP’s key issue. The libertarian to alt-Right pipeline must be repaired; Trump should legalize marijuana at the federal level. In addition to being good politics, marijuana legalization would also be good for Whites.
First, as I am likely to be attacked personally for my position, let me state outright that I do not endorse the use of marijuana, which is (in the vast majority of cases) for losers and degenerates. Nonetheless, when proposing policy, we ought take the society as an organic whole, its angels and its devils, into consideration.
One common argument by White Nationalists against the legalization against of marijuana is that police selectively enforce the law to keep criminals off the streets. If marijuana were legalized, the argument runs, then police would lose one of their key tools in crime reduction. Let’s dispose of the leftard myth that marijuana arrests play a disproportionate role in the rise of (necessary) mass incarceration: they do not. Most of the increase in percentage of Americans in the criminal justice system is explained by the increasing fraction of non-Asian minorities (NAMs hereafter) in America and harsher sentencing for all crimes.
Still, a racialist may wonder, aren’t federal marijuana laws useful for negrocity containment? Not as much you might think. Recently available data from Obama’s Department of Justice, which has every incentive to play up the role of differential sentencing by race in drug crimes as a contributor to differential rates of imprisonment by race, suggests this is false: if all state prisoners who were only in jail for drug charges were released, blacks would go from 37.5% of the total state prison population to 37% of the total state prison population. Given that blacks usually use harder drugs than Whites, federal marijuana legalization is unlikely to have any impact on the racial composition of our prisons. Finally, we have evidence from legalization at the state level on marijuana legalization’s differential impact by race. The results? White arrest rates for marijuana use went down as expected, but black and Hispanic total arrest rates for marijuana actually went up according to the Colorado Department of Public Safety (CDPS) because marijuana became easier to obtain and these populations are more likely to use marijuana in illegal ways. Even if we reject the analysis by the DoJ and CDPS, under the proposed policy local governments could still keep marijuana illegal and thus lock up problem negroes carrying marijuana as necessary.
Beyond criminal justice, the economic impact of federal marijuana legalization would be destroy middleman minority cartels and transfer resources to young, white businessmen. Given the statistics presented above, this should not be surprising; the vast majority of individuals who have trafficked weed at such a scale so as to obtain a life sentence are white. In states which have legalized marijuana for medical or personal use, nearly every link in the supply chain is controlled by whites. This is in part because whites are less likely to have interacted with the criminal justice system previously, but in time it should become obvious to all but the most educated that NAMs can’t get into business in this domain as well.
Last, but not least, there are three critical metapolitical side benefits for WNs that would result from marijuana legalization.
- Marijuana legalization would accentuate regional cultural differences. Localism, a right-wing alternative to American conservatism that is often de facto White Nationalist, would become more attractive.
- Marijuana legalization would reconcile many non-LP whites with the state. This would occur through two mechanisms:
- De facto left libertarian (but in all likelihood Democratic voting) organizations like High Times and NORML would see their funding dry up.
- Federal state capacity currently wasted on marijuana enforcement in states where it is legal could be redirected towards reducing the prevalence of drugs which harm whites (e.g., methamphetamines and opiates).
- Legalizing marijuana at the federal level would facilitate yet another white liberal narrative collapse on the race issue. Liberal narratives on drug policy mainly result from constantly parroted misleading data points. Based on my conversations, these narratives are so pervasive that they have been unwittingly internalized by many on the Right. When marijuana is “legalized” but prisons are still disproportionately occupied by violent NAMs, our intelligentsia will need to rely on increasingly convoluted stories to explain what will be clear to people on both sides of the political spectrum with eyes. On this issue (for once!), neo-Communists accept reality as it is: blacks simply commit more crime. They believe everyone should be willing to accept more violent crime by assigning shorter sentences to NAMs so as to lessen racial disparities. Normies will not.
Prior to the establishment of an ethnostate, all legislation ought be judged by its impact on the metapolitical climate in addition to its impact on material well-being of the polity. Indeed, even deleterious laws should be enthusiastically supported by the New Right if they advance our ideological hegemony. Federal marijuana legalization’s short-term impacts are good for whites, its long-term impact are ambiguous, but it is an obvious winner in the space of metapolitical moves. The Trump administration should strongly consider federal marijuana legalization prior to the midterm elections.
1. It is probably not a coincidence that the Democrats have lost every election since Obamacare went into effect. Obamacare’s implementation completed the vision of the welfare state originally laid out by FDR. For the neoliberals who triumphed over the socialists in the Democratic Party primary, all that was left to do was to tinker with and administer the existing system (which despite the lack of vision involved is by no means an easy task!). This was hardly a compelling vision for voters. Just like Batman in The Dark Knight Rises, victory defeated the neoliberals.
2. More states have legalized marijuana than voted for Clinton in the most recent election. The issue would also cater to the core of The Donald’s voters, and resolve a policy incoherence between Trump’s “state’s rights” approach to social issues and the federal illegality of marijuana. It might even put otherwise unreachable states in play for 2020.
3. We will spare you the argument that federal marijuana taxes would also be a boon.
4. If one is worried about the mass release of hundreds of thousands of criminals all at once, one can just terminate Obama’s clemency policy and prevent the legalization law from being retroactively applied.