Part 3 of 3
The Rising Tide of Color
The Civil Rights Movement opened doors for some African-Americans, especially those with some European ancestry. Ultimately, however, it probably shut far more. Its initial message of equal opportunity quickly shifted to equal results. Consequently affirmative action programs started in Richard Nixon’s administration forced manufacturers to hire thousands of poorly qualified blacks,  which quickly made the United States much less competitive just as international economic competition rose sharply. Its factories continued to pay unionized high wages comparable to those of Europe while making African-quality products even Americans wouldn’t buy.
Productivity growth, a respectable 2.7 percent during the 1960–1967 period before affirmative action, fell to –0.1 percent during the 1973–1979 period after it, a level far below that of other industrial nations and a condition from which America has never fully recovered. A result was deindustrialization and mass factory closures that resulted in manufacturing job losses for blacks 112 percent higher than for other ethnic groups. Cities with large black populations like Detroit were hit hardest and turned into urban wastelands aptly named the Rust Belt. Meanwhile Japanese companies, more insightful about human capital, located their new American auto plants in predominantly Scots-Irish rural areas and had few of the quality control problems endemic to Detroit.
Since Mexicans were also favored by affirmative action, America became an enormous magnet for their legal and illegal immigration, which was encouraged by the 1965 Hart-Celler immigration bill. It ended restrictions on immigration enacted by Progressives in the 1920s and opened the United States to massive Third World immigration. Mexicans worked more productively and for lower wages than blacks, consequently driving them out of most non-governmental jobs. Since opportunities for government jobs were limited, independent black economic institutions had withered after desegregation and affirmative action, and other jobs had increasingly dried up, more blacks than ever before were left, in the words of the emblematic Otis Redding song, “sittin’ on the dock of the bay wastin’ time.” In the process, America quickly gained a second non-white population even larger than that of blacks, a change welcomed by the Jewish Establishment, which contributed significantly to passing the Hart-Celler bill and viewed eliminating America’s white majority as a requirement for its survival.
In the same period, blacks were forced into predominantly white public schools in a busing program that sought to help blacks through exposure to white culture. That was the theory, at least. In practice, cultural influence went mostly the other way. Before long, American public schools, once among the best in the world, were among the worst. Destruction of America’s rural landscapes by urban sprawl has many causes, but one of the most significant and least acknowledged is a desperate search for communities and schools distant from urban centers with large black populations.
In the early 1970s the idea of “multiculturalism” was popularized in Canada as a term for equity between Anglophone and Francophone populations, but in American schools by the 1990s it had come to mean establishment of Frankfurt School ideology as a quasi-religion from kindergarten to college. It claims to promote diversity even while idealizing cultural and biological hybridization, which destroy diversity.
American multicultural education is obsessed with obliterating learning gaps between races, which are among the world’s most stable phenomena since they vary little across vastly different physical, cultural, and economic environments. In every racial hierarchy, so-called yellow Northeast Asians are invariably at the top, white Europeans are slightly lower, followed by a variety of brown groups, with black Africans and Australoids at the bottom. These results from standardized achievement tests are reasonably good measures of future economic success, even though they fail to measure such factors as creativity and imagination. A biological cause for any other phenomenon exhibiting such inter-environmental stability would be immediately acknowledged. American multicultural ideology, however, blames it on “privileged racist whites.”
The Rise of Neo-Conservatism
So many negative consequences arose from the Civil Rights Movement that the Democratic Party won few subsequent elections. Its reputation as the anti-white party that idealized black criminals and sought America’s destruction was only briefly overcome when it nominated southerners like Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. America’s Jewish Establishment, now thoroughly coordinated by the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, recognized, however, that the country’s complete destruction would prevent its defense of Israel.
To conserve America as a viable host, neo-conservatism was created in the pages of Commentary, an official publication of the American Jewish Committee, whose editor Norman Podhoretz mixed predictable Frankfurt School ideology with laissez-faire economics, bellicose advocacy of Israel, and devaluation of nature through anti-environmentalism, his other innovation.
The nascent neo-conservative movement’s first significant candidate was Ronald Reagan, who had been front man for the successful efforts of Hollywood’s two most powerful Jews, super mogul Lew Wasserman and super mobster Sidney Korshak, to control organized labor in the film industry. Reagan soon became the perfect American president for the Jewish Establishment, since he opened the borders, increasing Mexican immigration by 54 percent, broke labor unions, and freed corporations from government oversight and regulation. Consequently income inequality began to rise for the first time since the New Deal, eventually reaching levels unseen since the Gilded Age, creating a new era of excess that lacked the previous one’s mitigating good taste.
A defining feature of Reagan’s new economy was the replacement of manufacturing with financialization. Instead of a broad-based industrial economy benefiting the many Americans who once made things the world needed, a far narrower group was now enriched by financial control of the world’s economy through multinational corporations and other vehicles that, though often based in the United States, had little affinity with or allegiance to its people.
Since financialization involves symbol manipulation, at which Jews excel, they were its disproportionate beneficiaries. Names like like Ivan Boesky, Michael Milken, Andrew Fastow, and Jack Abramoff became notorious despite less attention to their ethnicity than the Jewish Establishment expected. These Luftmenschen, those who create money out of air—the stuff that inflates bubbles, before they pop—are a phenomenon with a long history in the Jewish community.
Their exploits paled before what was to come, however. In 2008 the financialized American economy was exposed to all as a gigantic Ponzi scheme that sucked money out of the world economy by selling subprime mortgage-based securities until their worthlessness was exposed.
Like all such pyramid schemes, more and more bodies were needed to postpone inevitable collapse. The marginally employed blacks and Hispanics of America’s crime-ridden ghettoes provided them, and the American Dream Downpayment Act and similar measures facilitated their movement into new homes. Suburban sprawl continued destroying the biologically rich landscapes of Florida, Arizona, and California until it could no longer be sustained. By 2006 it became evident that something had gone terribly wrong. Stores surrounded by expensive new homes needed security guards to prevent constant vandalism, a ghetto-bred habit of newly-minted suburbanites. Now those homes are empty, vandalized, and foreclosed.
None of this was seen or anticipated by investors around the world who once trusted securities backed by American mortgages. As a consequence the world economy faces its worst crisis since the great depression. Before the full dimensions of the crisis were apparent, Alan Greenspan, America’s Federal Reserve chairman from 1987 to 2006, published a memoir celebrating both his Jewish roots and his responsibility for policies that caused the crisis. In Greenspan’s words:
The gains were especially significant among Hispanics and blacks, as increasing affluence as well as government encouragement of subprime mortgage programs enabled many members of minority groups to become first-time home buyers. The expansion of home ownership gave more people a stake in the future of our country and boded well for the cohesion of the nation, I thought. . . . I was aware that the loosening of mortgage credit terms for subprime borrowers increased financial risk, and that subsidized home ownership initiatives distort market outcomes. But I believed then, as now, that the benefits of broadened home ownership are worth the risk. Protection of property rights, so critical to a market economy, requires a critical mass of owners to sustain political support.
Greenspan undoubtedly didn’t intend to create the financial black hole now sucking the world economy dry, but he was the primary architect of the hyper-financialization that made it possible. His willful blindness to the impact of race on economics shows he learned no lessons from bad loans to African and other Third World countries that weakened America’s banks and left them vulnerable to the financial crisis of 1990, which contributed to George H. W. Bush’s defeat in 1992. Bush’s son, who learned nothing either, went on to preside over a far worse economic meltdown.
The Scots-Irish are finally united behind the Republican Party as they haven’t been with any party since before the Civil War, but it has done them no good. They’ve become increasingly impoverished relative to other groups under the Republicans, and even when southern Democrats like Bill Clinton won elections, the financialized economic policy begun by Reagan and fully implemented by Greenspan changed little. Their chief function now is cannon fodder in wars for Israel, which George W. Bush, a servile supporter of the Jewish Establishment despite his studied Scots-Irish manner, fully implemented in 2003 with the invasion of Iraq. John Hagee and other Christian Zionists even pervert their traditional Protestantism into literal worship of Jews resembling cargo cults of primitive people that sacralize their rulers’ culture and anticipate the world’s end.
The Jewish Establishment’s total control of both major American parties by 2008 was evident in their servile fidelity to its core values of unlimited non-white immigration and wars for Israel. The establishment’s wide geographic dispersal, affluence, and tight focus on collective interests enabled it to dominate campaign finance throughout the country. Consequently the 2008 presidential campaign was a caricature of both parties’ worst features symbolized by the dance between them by Senator Joseph Lieberman, who represents the establishment far more reliably than Connecticut. Lieberman, the Democrats’ vice-presidential candidate in 2000, campaigned for the Republicans in 2008 but was welcomed back by the Democrats following the election.
The ethnicity of the John McCain-Sarah Palin Republican ticket appealed to America’s Scots-Irish and southern English, but their campaign’s focus on fighting for Israel became so comically slavish it was eventually lampooned on television’s Saturday Night Live. In contrast, much of the initial appeal of Barack Obama to many Democrats, despite the slimmest of resumes, was a family background almost caricaturing rootless cosmopolitanism: Obama’s mother, a Kansas girl, sought out first a Kenyan and then an Indonesian to father her children. Obama eventually sought roots his mother failed to provide in Chicago’s black community and proved to be a smart campaigner. He defeated John McCain, who was only able to carry Scots-Irish, southern white, and some German-American regions. Obama won everywhere else. The future course of his presidency is still unknown, but a hint came when his first significant appointment, that of his chief of staff, was the powerful Israeli-American congressman Rahm Emanuel.
The End of Jewish Hegemony
It is evident that the Jewish hegemony has two pillars. One is the destruction of the ethnic consciousness and demographic viability of America’s white majority. The other is unconditional support for extreme ethnonationalism among the Jewish majority in Israel, a Herrenvolk democracy attaching no value to the rights and lives of Palestinians under its control. In simple terms, it is for minorities and against the majority where it’s a permanent minority, and the reverse where it can be a majority. This seeming paradox is no contradiction for the current establishment. It is simply the current version of their traditional litmus test: is it good for the Jews? In this case, however, what is good for the Jews threatens the welfare and very existence of America’s people in general and its white majority in particular.
Rule of large nations by small ethnic groups is unsustainable and must eventually end, but that can take a long time. Manchus ruled China for 250 years until they were essentially absorbed and nearly extinct by the time they were overthrown in the nationalist revolution of 1911. The vast demographic strength of the Chinese permitted them to readily outlast the Manchus, but white America, a valuable and distinctive part of earth’s human biodiversity, lacks that advantage. Its population share of the nation it founded has fallen from 83 percent to 69 percent in just 20 years, a spiral of demographic disaster that continues to accelerate. Such reduction of an ethnic group’s population resulting from overt acts by a hegemonic group constitutes genocide and must be stopped by any means necessary.
White survival requires a movement of national liberation that must begin now. It can come by force of arms, like Hezbollah’s liberation of Lebanon from the Israelis, or peacefully, like Gandhi’s defeat of the British Raj, but it must come. Demonization of those fighting oppression indicates their effectiveness and is cause for honor rather than reproach. Victory in this struggle may seem impossible now, but surprise is history’s nature. Help may even come from surprising places. Both Jewish and gentile authors discuss the phenomenon of Jewish revolutionary spirit, which helped create Establishment hegemony. It threatens established orders, but recent works by Jewish authors like Finkelstein and Shamir suggest that may include the present one.
Most importantly, white America must gain a sense of collective identity to survive. Otherwise it is just an unorganized mob of individuals vulnerable to any group like the current Establishment that has such an identity. American whites once had such identity in embryonic form, but that was weakened by regional divisions and finally destroyed by Frankfurt School propaganda in the 1960s. Even that identity was a folk development never supported by Anglo-American academic political philosophy, which was dominated by the Anglo-French Enlightenment and consequently universalist rather than particularist.
Universalism permitted just two alternatives: world humanity consisting of either isolated individuals or a collective mass. So-called conservatives of the right favored the former and so-called liberals of the left favored the latter, but neither left room for ethnic identity. Alternatives celebrating particularity did develop in Europe to the east of France in reaction to Napoleon’s attempt to spread the Enlightenment by force, but their particularity focused on relatively recent epiphenomena of language and religion tending to divide Europeans rather than the biological fundamentals uniting them. That philosophical turn, proscribed after 1945 for being on the losing side of the Second World War, is now reemerging in Europe as an antidote to the malaise of globalism.
Some see this as a model for America, but there are problems despite much of value. The European new right tends to be hierarchical, anti-modern, anti-rationalist, and non-biological at a time when these would be fatal to white Americans. An acceptance of hierarchy is the last message needed by white Americans crushed beneath a hostile hegemony’s iron heel, especially since proto-neo-conservative Leo Strauss used similar arguments to justify hegemony. The new right’s anti-modern, anti-rationalist, and non-biological tendencies are equally problematic, since they reject not only modernity’s universalism but also the ultimate achievement of white European culture, modern science.
C. P. Snow identified these two sides of modernity in his Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution, but for too long the universalistic one has dominated academia and public affairs. That began to change when E. O. Wilson’s Sociobiology demonstrated clearly that humans are not exempt from the great advances being made in evolutionary biology and ecology. In this model there are no longer biological universals, and therefore no human ones as well. Everything is particular, from the earth’s infinitely variable environments to its equally diverse biological groups, including human groups. In such groups individuals are important, but their well-being ultimately depends on that of their group and the barriers protecting its integrity. Wilson subsequently called for respecting the full measure of earth’s biodiversity as God’s Creation, a model embracing rather than excluding religion.
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Architectural critic Charles Jencks dates the end of the modern age to 3:32 PM on July 15, 1972, when the Pruitt-Igoe housing project in St. Louis was deliberately dynamited because its black tenants had rendered it uninhabitable after just 17 years. Its architectural award-winning high rises surrounded by gardens were similar to designs that helped Europeans reduce their human footprint, but they didn’t work for another race. Modernity is ultimately European culture, which other races often rightly reject and resist. Its zenith was 1969, when Neal Armstrong walked on the moon. White Americans still believed then that modernity could embrace and improve the lives of all human populations. So 1972 is as good a date as any for when they lost that hope. Political philosophy fails to explain the subsequent postmodern age’s pervasive confusion. Only renewed appreciation of our planet’s great biodiversity, including human biodiversity, can do that. To paraphrase Patrick Henry: “If this be racism, make the most of it.”
 Hugh Graham, The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
 W. Baumol, S. Blackman, and E. Wolff, Productivity and American Leadership: The Long View (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1989); William Wolman and Anne Colamosca, The Judas Economy: The Triumph of Capital and the Betrayal of Work (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1997).
 Norman Glickman and Douglas Woodward, The New Competitors: How Foreign Investors are Changing the US Economy (New York: Basic Books, 1989).
 Neal Peirce and Jerry Hagstrom, The Book of America: Inside Fifty States Today (New York: Norton, 1983).
 David Gelsanliter, Jump Start: Japan Comes to the Heartland (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1990).
 David Reimers, Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Sachar, A History of the Jews in America.
 Reimers, Still the Golden Door and David Reimers, Unwelcome Strangers: American Identity and the Turn against Immigration (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998).
 Myron Magnet, The Dream and the Nightmare: The Sixties Legacy to the Underclass (New York: Morrow, 1993).
 Allen and Turner, The Ethnic Quilt; Graham, The Civil Rights Era; Lynn and Vanhannen, IQ and the Wealth of Nations and IQ and Global Inequality; Reimers, Unwelcome Strangers.
 Peter Brimelow, Alien Nation: Common Sense about America’s Immigration Disaster (New York: Random House, 1995); Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique.
 Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education, the Epochal Supreme Court Decision that Outlawed Segregation, and of Black America’s Century Long Struggle for Equality under the Law (New York: Vintage, 1975).
 Nelson George, Hip Hop America (New York: Viking, 1998).
 Myron Lieberman, Public Education: An Autopsy (Cambridge: Harvard, 1993); Magnet, The Dream and the Nightmare; Harold Stevenson and James Stigler, The Learning Gap: Why Our Schools are Failing and What We Can Learn from Japanese and Chinese Education (New York: Touchstone, 1992); Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom, America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997).
 Kevin Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton: Princeton, 2005).
 James Banks and C. Banks, eds., Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education (New York: Macmillan, 1995); Nathan Glazer, We are all Multiculturalists Now (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997); Philip Gleason, Speaking of Diversity: Language and Ethnicity in Twentieth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); Kevin MacDonald, The Culture of Critique.
 Judith Rhymer and Daniel Simberloff, “Extinction by Hybridization and Introgression,” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 27 (1996): 83–109.
 Lynn and Vanhanen, IQ and Global Inequality; Rushton, Race, Evolution, and Behavior.
 Rushton, Race, Evolution, and Behavior; Lynn and Vanhannen, IQ and Global Inequality.
 Paul Gross and Norman Levitt, Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels with Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994).
 Banks and Banks, Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education; Gary Orfield and Susan Eaton, Dismantling Desegregation: The Quiet Reversal of Brown v. Board of Education (New York: The Free Press, 1996).
 Thomas Edsall and Mary Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: Norton, 1991); Matthew Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
 Gary Dorrien, The Neo-Conservative Mind: Politics, Culture, and the War of Ideology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993).
 Connie Bruck, When Hollywood had a King: The Reign of Lew Wasserman, who Leveraged Talent into Power and Influence (New York: Random House, 2003); Gus Russo, Supermob: How Sidney Korshak and His Criminal Associates Became America’s Hidden Power Brokers (New York: Bloomsbury, 2006)
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 Philips, Wealth and Democracy; Reich, Supercapitalism.
 Phillips American Theocracy.
 Sachar, A History of the Jews in America; Frank Partnoy, Infectious Greed: How Deceit and Risk Corrupted the Financial Markets (New York: Times Books, 2003); Lou Dubose and Jan Reid, The Hammer: Tom Delay; God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Congress (New York: Public Affairs, 2004).
 Nathan Ausubel, Pictorial History of the Jewish People: From Bible Times to Our Own Day throughout the World (New York: Crown, 1953).
 Kevin Philips, Bad Money: Reckless Finance, Failed Politics, and the Global Crisis of American Capitalism (New York: Viking, 2008); Mark Zandi, Financial Shock: A 360 degree Look at the Subprime Mortgage Implosion and How to Avoid the Next Financial Crisis (Upper Saddle River, N.J.: F. T. Press, 2009).
 Alan Greenspan, The Age of Turbulence: Adventures in a New World (New York: Penguin, 2007).
 Phillips American Theocracy.
 Steven Beckner, Back from the Brink: The Greenspan Years (New York: Wiley, 1996); Roy Smith, Comeback: The Restoration of American Banking Power in the New World Economy (Cambridge: Harvard Business School, 1993); Phillip Zweig, Wriston: Walter Wriston, Citibank, and the Rise and Fall of American Financial Supremacy (New York: Crown, 1995).
 Zandi, Financial Shock.
 Thomas Frank, What’s the Matter with Kansas: How Conservatives won the Heart of America (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004).
 Philips, Wealth and Democracy; American Theocracy.
 Phillips American Theocracy; Mearsheimer and Walt, The Israel Lobby; Sniegoski, The Transparent Cabal; Jonathan Smith and William Green, eds., The Harper Collins Dictionary of Religion (New York: Harper Collins, 1995).
 Mearsheimer and Walt, The Israel Lobby.
 Franklin Foer, Election 2008: A Voter’s Guide (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007); Shelby Steele, A Bound Man: Why We are Excited about Barack Obama and Why He Can’t Win (New York: The Free Press, 2008).
 Michael Barone and Richard Cohen, The Almanac of American Politics: 2008 (Washington, D.C.: National Journal, 2007).
 Jimmy Carter, Palestine: Peace not Apartheid (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006).
 Elliot Rosenberg, But Were They Good for the Jews: Over 150 Historical Figures Viewed from a Jewish Perspective (Secaucus, N.J.: Birch Lane Press, 1997).
 Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: Norton, 1990).
 George McDaniel, ed., A Race against Time (Oakton, Va.: New Century Books, 2003).
 Barone and Cohen, The Almanac of American Politics: 2008; World Almanac 2001.
 Shamir, Masters of Discourse (Tel Aviv: Surge Books 2008).
 Douglas Rose, ed., The Emergence of David Duke and the Politics of Race (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).
 Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter, Jews, Christians, and the New Left (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).
 E. Michael Jones, The Jewish Revolutionary Spirit and Its Impact on World History (South Bend, Ind.: Fidelity Press, 2008).
 Norman Finkelstein, Beyond Chutzpah: On the Misuse of Anti-Semitism and the Abuse of History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005).
 Shamir, Masters of Discourse.
 Frederickson, Racism.
 George Mosse, The Culture of Western Europe (New York: Rand McNally, 1961); Oppenheimer, The Real Eve.
 Michael O’Meara, New Culture, New Right: Anti-liberalism in Postmodern Europe (Bloomington, Ind.: 1st Books, 2004).
 Tomislav Sunic, Against Democracy and Equality: The European New Right (Newport Beach, Cal.: The Noontide Press, 2004).
 Ted McAllister, Revolt Against Modernity: Leo Strauss, Eric Voegelin, and the Search for a Postliberal Order (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996).
 C. P. Snow, The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1962).
 Gross and Levitt, Higher Superstition.
 Edward O. Wilson, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1975).
 Rhymer and Simberloff, “Extinction by Hybridization and Introgression.”
 Edward O. Wilson, The Future of Life (New York: Knopf, 2002) and The Creation: An Appeal to Save Life on Earth (New York: Norton, 2006).
 David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989).
 Fred Siegel, The Future Once Happened Here: New York, D.C., L.A., and the Fate of America’s Big Cities (New York: The Free Press, 1997).